Análisis de La Obra – El Antiimperialismo y El Apra – Download as Word Doc . doc /.docx), PDF File .pdf), Text File .txt) or read online. Title, El antiimperialismo y el APRA. Author, Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre. Contributor, Partido Aprista Peruano. Edition, 7. Publisher, Nuestramérica, ?. Title, Obras completas: El antiimperialismo y el apra, Volume 4. Author, Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre. Edition, 3. Publisher, Baca, Export Citation, BiBTeX .

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Skip to main content. Log In Sign Up. Haya de la Torre and the Pursuit of Power in Peru, Haya de la Torre and the Pursuit of Power in Peru, — I thank the anony- mous reviewers. Thanks to Werner Stangl for his copy-editing. I thank my wife Andrea Orzoff for her comments and her constant support, as well as my children Samuel and Mateo for their good humor. Such swings have most often elicited accusations rather than inter- pretive frameworks.

Nelson Manrique, Usted fue Aprista: Two of the most detailed histories of the party are written by Aprista historians: A number of scholars have explored portions of the history of APRA in Peru, either its origins or its regional impact. Origins of the Peru- vian Aprista Party, — Austin An Andean Town, s to s New York Bul- letin of Antiimperialism American Research 19, 4p.

Journal of Latin American Studies 38p. Hispanic American Historical Review 92, 4p. The period is characterized by an alternation between insurgencies and efforts at demo- cratic political participation as well as by a shift away from the left and toward the center of the political spectrum. The lack of a clear analytical framework for understanding APRA during this period has left the interpre- tive terrain open to ideological attacks portraying APRA as opportunistic apta its quest for power, both in terms of the methods used as well as in its alleged abandonment of an earlier radical ideological position.

During the period of the 3 These more nuanced interpretations can be found in the recent scholarship, but antiimpeiralismo not yet been applied to an understanding of the party as a whole. In this article, I propose that APRA can be understood by examining seven paradoxes, all of which stem from the personality of Haya de la Torre: APRA attempted to gain power in Peru both through elections and through a series of attempts at armed insurrection.

This period of the party history has not been studied in sufficient detail, partly because antiimoerialismo the challenges of piecing together the history of a party that had been declared illegal and whose members were either in hiding, in jail, or exiled. The first paradox of APRA as both a national and international party played out clearly during its initial years and remained an underlying theme well into the s.

Havana and Buenos Aires inMexico City in Haya participated in the intense dis- cussions over political doctrine of the period: The Mexican Revolution, he claimed, offered a model for the rest of Latin America. Accord- ing to Manuel Caballero: The Labour Monthly Decemberp. The Mexican Revolution had resonance throughout Latin America as intellectuals throughout the continent began to see it as a model of nationalist revolution and continental unity.

The writings of Haya and other Apristas take the Mexican Revolution as a starting point for the proposed continent-wide revolution. Intereses politicos e itinerarios intelectuales Antlimperialismo Cityp.

We must first contemplate the national problem, we must be total nationalists in order to be truly continental and, thus together, be able to incorporate ourselves to the march of world civilization.

Faced with this law, Haya and other leaders decided to play down the international presence.

El antiimperialismo y el Apra – Vc̕tor Ral︢ Haya de la Torre – Google Books

j In one letter, Haya scolds Portal for not pushing ahead full steam with a Second Con- gress of Democratic and Popular Parties of Indoamerica to be held in Mex- ico to follow the first such congress, held in Chile. You should have said that no national issue is worth as much as the continental issue that the congress would confront.

Say something to indicate that exiled Apristas are not only involved in routine, personal and light tasks, but that they are preoccupied with maintaining the continental meaning of our work.

Nonetheless, the functioning of APRA continued to have a strongly international dimension as it remained rooted in the dynamics between communities of exiles in different parts of Latin America and the party members in Peru.

A growing scholarship has emerged on the importance of these transnational networks that sustained the party during its initial years, and continued to operate once APRA became established in Peru. The Americas 70, 4p. For example, inas elections were approaching in Peru, Haya de la Torre called for exiled lead- ers to return to Peru to support the party.


For exam- ple, inAprista exiles approached the antiimperiaoismo of President Toro in Bolivia seeking weapons for an uprising that would begin in Southern Peru. The second paradox of a party that participated in both elections and armed insurgencies also relates to Haya de la Torre, his personality, and his political choices.

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And Aprista doctrine gives no clues along these lines, for as Harry Kantor rightly points out in his sympathetic study of Aprista ideology, APRA did not have a clear statement of the method for getting to power. Manrique, Usted fue Aprista note 2. The armed insurgency was allegedly devised by Haya and an old school friend of his and ex-officer, Felipe Iparraguirre, living in El Salvador. In a letter to Luis Heysen dated March 27th,Haya wrote: See Pedro Planas, Haya de la Torre: In the meantime, party leaders who favored an armed insurgency reached out to sympathe- tic members of the Peruvian military in an effort to implement this plan.

On July 7th, a group of Apristas in the city of Trujillo disobeyed party orders and launched an attack on an army barrack ahead of schedule, and subsequently took over the city of Trujillo. Haya de la Torre, who was in jail at the time, is very unlikely to have had a hand in these events. The Trujillo insurrection and its sister insurrections in various towns in Northern Peru did not last long.

A massive military offensive by land, air, and sea allowed the government to retake the city of Trujillo after four days of fighting and to execute hundreds of rebels in the nearby ruins of the pre-Columbian city of Chan Chan. The Trujillo insurrection was far from an isolated incident: Some were discovered and foiled before they started, others went forward, but none was ultimately successful in bringing APRA to power.

What scant evidence connects Haya de la Torre to any particular uprising reveals only glimpses of his thought. For example he briefly stated approval for plans to stage an uprising with weapons to be smuggled in from Bolivia, but cautioned not to discuss it further as the gov- ernment was intercepting correspondence.

A Contracorriente 7, 3p. It came to be used not only to combat political enemies outside the party, but also as a disciplinary tool for party members. Among the buildings taken on shore was the imposing colonial fortress Real Felipe, built to defend the city of Lima during the time of the Spanish Empire.

Haya withheld his sup- port at this particular juncture because he was apparently seeking the sup- port of army generals in order to guarantee a successful uprising. The failed attempt cost the party another eight years of formal exclusion from poli- tics.

The concurrent efforts to gain power through democratic and violent means become clear if one draws a timeline running from to The timeline would be dotted with successive attempts at both armed insur- gency and democratic participation. InAPRA put forward the candi- dacy of Haya de la Torre, but the Benavides government banned his candi- dacy and subsequently cancelled the election, won by Luis Antonio Eguiguren with Aprista votes. In the elections, APRA remained an illegal party.


Tragedia de un pueblo y un partido Lima While APRA officially called on party followers to abstain in the election, many ended up voting for Prado, the winning candi- date. The brief period of democracy ended with the insurrection, led by Aprista sympathizers in the Peruvian navy.

InAPRA now having moved substantially to the right in its political platform, was able to once again participate in an elected government, the so-called convivencia with its former political enemy Manuel Prado. This paved the way for full legality and for Haya de la Torre to finally run for president in This highly charged election, which he won by a very thin margin and which was to be decided in Congress, led to a military coup to prevent Haya de la Torre from becoming president.

Fom his earliest years, Haya was influenced by his contact with US citizens, and he continued to seek contact with Apfa officials and intel- lectuals in support of his ideas and his political program. Even before the founding of APRA, the young Haya taught antiimperialsmo the Anglo-American School in Lima, where he met Anna Melissa Graves, a teacher and writer who would be his benefactress, helping to pay for his studies while he was in England in The change of attitude can be seen by comparing different views by US officials of the student activist in and then the presidential candidate in The Legation will therefore informally and discreetly advise the authorities of his past activities.


Should Haya de la Torre arrive in this country the Legation will endeavor to follow his movements and will report further. In fact I would argue that his longevity as a key political figure in Peru stems from this understanding of politics as the art of negotiation and compro- mise, rather than absolutes. Despite his initial positioning on the Left, Haya de la Torre saw capital- ist development as essential to Latin America. The stated apfa for foreign capital to develop Latin American economies while striving for social wel- fare was part of the originality of the Aprista formula.

During the s, he realized that his party needed US support to gain power in Peru. After the first two editions inHaya refused to authorize further editions until much later, when it was republished during the government of General Velasco — at a time when the political ground had shifted with the establishment of a 28 Van Engert to Kellogg, Venezuela, January 11th, Rather than insist on the anti-imperialist line, Haya published La Defensa Continental inarguing that the Good Neighbor Policy offered an opportunity for better relations with the United States and that in the context of the worldwide struggle between fascism and democracy, Latin American must take the side of democracy and become an ally of the United States.

He attributed many of these changes to the anti-imperialist struggle launched by APRA: As Steven Schwartzberg has pointed out, at this early stage Haya acknowledged the importance of anti- imperialists in the United States. During the brief period of legality from to we find more direct antiimmperialismo with the US government, including a trip to the United States between January and May In a editorial written in Cuba, he contrasted the US support of Latin American tyrants with antiimpeiralismo disapproval of European ones.

One of my conversations with a Lima taxi driver helps to introduce the fourth antiimperialisom. Although the com- ment is not entirely accurate, it does reflect the degree to which a caudillo- led party has been able to create a strong institutional structure that ulti- mately survived its leader.

This paradox can be understood by looking more closely at the organizational structure of APRA, which depended on the one hand on the efforts on a network of individuals both antiimperualismo and interna- tionally, and on the other on the deliberate creation of a cult of personality around Haya de la Torre. This official cult of personality began during the s and was intended to foster the kind of mass followings common at this time in the case of fascist parties in Europe.

However, the focus on Haya masks the inner workings of a party aora a well-defined organiza- tional structure, with a number of leaders both in Peru and in exile who, 33 Alexander, Aprismo note 6p. Haya spent most of the years between and in hiding. It is difficult to imagine that he would have been able to exert such a strong influence on the organization under these circumstances. The corre- spondence with the exiled leaders in Antiimperialiamo attests to these continued disa- greements among leaders that para the course of action for Aprismo.

The language of this letter points to the importance of Aprismo as a doctrine not connected to any particular personality but rather embodying a set of ideas that guided action: Following the failed uprising, during the five years between and that Haya found political asylum in the Colombian embassy in Lima, he was more isolated than ever before from the party, which con- tinued to function in his absence.

Haya was originally inspired by the Leninist model of a vanguard party which defined APRA during most of its early decades. During its first years as an international organization, APRA was fairly loosely structured with cells in different countries, joined together primarily through the corre- 36 Manuel Seoane to Haya de la Torre, April 27th, For the election of in Peru, APRA switched to a much broader and open organization, able to draw large num- bers of followers who were willing to make small payments that helped to sustain the party.